Daily Christian Journey

(I) Introduction: The Paradox of Gen Z Faith

Recent headlines and social media discussions paint a confusing picture of Generation Z’s relationship with religion. On one hand, narratives emerge suggesting a quiet revival, particularly among young men drawn back to Christianity seeking community and structure. On the other, data continues to highlight Gen Z as the least religiously affiliated generation in modern history, with many actively retreating from organized faith. This apparent contradiction points to a complex reality: Gen Z’s engagement with religion, especially Christianity, is not a monolithic trend but a landscape marked by divergence, nuance, and simultaneous movements both towards and away from traditional belief systems.¹

The reality of Gen Z faith defies simple categorization. It involves a complex interplay of declining affiliation, potential stabilization, surprising pockets of increased commitment, significant gender divergence, and evolving forms of spiritual expression. Understanding this generation requires moving beyond simplistic narratives of either wholesale abandonment or widespread revival. This analysis will examine the evidence for both increased engagement and continued retreat within Gen Z, explore the diverse motivations driving these trends, untangle often-contradictory data points, and ultimately present a more nuanced picture of this generation’s multifaceted spiritual and religious landscape.

(II) The Long View: Declining Affiliation Meets Potential Plateau

To understand the specific dynamics within Generation Z, it is essential to place them within the broader context of American religious trends. For decades, the United States has witnessed a steady decline in Christian identification and participation in organized religion. Data from the Pew Research Center illustrates this long-term shift: the proportion of U.S. adults identifying as Christian fell from 78% in 2007 to 71% in 2014, and further to 62% in the 2023-24 Religious Landscape Study.³ Concurrently, the percentage of religiously unaffiliated adults—often termed “nones”—has significantly increased.⁴

A primary driver of this transformation is generational replacement. As older, more religiously observant cohorts diminish in size, they are succeeded by younger generations who exhibit lower levels of religious affiliation and practice than their parents and grandparents did at similar ages.³ Generation Z (typically defined as those born between 1997 and 2012) exemplifies this trend. A recent Pew study found only 45% of Gen Z identify as Christian, representing a 10-percentage-point drop from a similar study in 2014.⁶ Research indicates Gen Z is the least religious generation recorded to date, with more than one-third (34%) identifying as religiously unaffiliated, compared to 29% of Millennials and smaller shares of older generations.⁷

However, the narrative of uninterrupted decline requires some qualification. The most recent Pew data from 2023-24 suggests that the decrease in Christian identification may have slowed or temporarily stabilized since around 2019, with the figure fluctuating between 60% and 64%.³ Similarly, the rapid ascent of the “nones” appears to have reached a plateau in the last few years.⁹ Despite this apparent pause, researchers caution that this stabilization might be temporary. Given that Gen Z, the cohort entering adulthood, has significantly higher rates of religious unaffiliation (around 43-45%) compared to older generations like Baby Boomers (around 18-28%), the long-term trajectory may still point towards further secularization unless future generations reverse this pattern.³

This apparent stabilization warrants careful interpretation. It might not signal an impending resurgence but rather reflect the slowing momentum of a long-term trend after decades of rapid disaffiliation. The population segment most loosely attached to religious identity may have already disaffiliated, leaving behind a core group with stronger ties, thus creating a temporary “floor” effect. Furthermore, the broad narrative of decline obscures important variations. While the overall trend is largely driven by declining affiliation among White Americans, the picture for Christians of color is often more stable or follows different patterns.⁴ Generalizing about “Christian decline” without considering these racial and ethnic distinctions can mask the complexity of the current religious landscape. Analyzing Gen Z, therefore, requires acknowledging both the long-term context of secularization and the potential for recent, possibly temporary, shifts in momentum, while remaining attentive to demographic variations within the generation.

Table 1: Generational Religious Landscape Snapshot (U.S. Adults, 2023-24)

*Age ranges based on Pew Research Center definitions for the 2023-24 Religious Landscape Study. Data primarily sourced from Pew Research Center.³ Christian and Unaffiliated percentages may not sum to 100% due to other religions not shown and rounding.

(III) The “Revival” Narrative: Increased Commitment and Male Engagement

Contrasting with the long-term decline narrative, recent data points suggest stirrings of renewed religious interest, particularly focused on personal faith and disproportionately involving younger men. The Barna Group’s State of the Church 2025 initiative reported a striking finding: 66% of U.S. adults affirmed having made a “personal commitment to Jesus” that remains important in their lives.¹² This marks a significant 12-percentage-point increase from a low of 54% recorded in 2021, potentially representing nearly 30 million more adults claiming this commitment.¹²

Crucially, Barna identifies younger generations, specifically Gen Z and Millennials, as the primary drivers of this resurgence. The trend is particularly pronounced among men in these cohorts. Between 2019 and 2025, commitment to Jesus reportedly jumped 15 percentage points among Gen Z men, while Millennial men saw a 19-point increase.¹² Alternative analysis comparing 2021 to 2025 showed even larger jumps of 22 points for Gen Z men and 18 points for Millennial men.¹⁵ This contrasts sharply with relatively flat commitment levels observed among older generations and women during the same period.¹² This marks a counterintuitive shift, suggesting younger men are now more likely than younger women to identify as followers of Jesus, reversing long-standing gender patterns in American religiosity.¹²

However, translating this reported increase in personal “commitment” into observable changes in religious behavior, such as church attendance, presents a more complex and sometimes contradictory picture. Data from the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) indicates that weekly religious service attendance among young men (ages 18-29) has remained remarkably stable, shifting only slightly from 16% in 2016 to 18% in 2024.¹⁶ This stability contrasts with claims cited in some reports, referencing sociologist Ryan Burge’s 2024 analysis, that 24% of Gen Z attend weekly services, supposedly outpacing Millennials and Gen X.⁹ This 24% figure, however, appears inconsistent with broader trends documented by Barna (showing a decline in Gen Z weekly attendance from 22% in 2020 to 16% in 2023 ¹) and Burge’s own data showing overall weekly attendance declining.¹⁷ Therefore, claims of a significant surge in Gen Z attendance require careful scrutiny.

Interestingly, survey data from the UK (reported by the Bible Society and amplified by researchers like Burge) indicated a dramatic rise in monthly church attendance among 18- to 24-year-olds, particularly men, with figures quadrupling from 4% in 2018 to 16% or even 21% in 2024.¹⁸ Yet, this finding has faced significant criticism. Analysis comparing this self-reported survey data with the official, recorded attendance figures from the Church of England and the Catholic Church reveals a stark discrepancy: the official records show continued decline or, at best, slow post-pandemic recovery, not the massive surge reported in the survey.¹⁸ This highlights the potential impact of social desirability bias, where respondents may over-report behaviors perceived as positive, like churchgoing.¹⁸

Alongside these trends, there are reports of growing interest among some young men in more traditional and liturgically structured forms of Christianity, such as Eastern Orthodoxy and Catholicism. Several articles highlight conversions to Eastern Orthodoxy, often by young men seeking discipline, historical continuity, structure, and a perceived “masculine” expression of faith, sometimes discovered through online influencers.¹⁰ While one survey noted a 78% increase in Orthodox converts in some US states between 2019 and 2022, analysts caution that this percentage increase starts from a very small baseline.²¹ Overall Orthodox adherence in the U.S. likely remains stagnant or declining, constituting less than 1% of the population.²² Similarly, commentators point to anecdotal evidence and some survey data suggesting a turn towards Catholicism among Gen Z individuals seeking “truth,” “order,” and unchanging traditions as an alternative to perceived societal chaos and progressive social values.²³ UK data also suggests Catholicism is gaining relative ground among young church attendees compared to Anglicanism.¹⁹ However, in the U.S., Catholicism’s overall population share (~20%) remains stable primarily due to immigration, masking significant numbers switching out of the faith.²⁶

The divergence between the strong surge in reported “commitment to Jesus” among young men and the more ambiguous, often contradictory, data on their church attendance suggests these two phenomena might be partially decoupled. The rise in commitment could reflect a more personalized, internal identification with Christian figures or values, potentially nurtured online or expressed in less conventional ways, rather than translating directly into increased participation within traditional institutional settings.¹² Churches, therefore, cannot automatically assume that growing interest equates to filling pews; engagement strategies may need to adapt to this potentially more diffuse religiosity. Furthermore, the specific appeal of highly traditionalist branches like Orthodoxy or conservative Catholicism for a subset of young men appears linked to a broader cultural search for certainty, structure, and clearly defined gender roles, possibly as a reaction against perceived cultural instability and progressive social shifts.²² For some, this attraction might represent not only a spiritual quest but also a form of cultural or socio-political positioning, potentially contributing to polarization within the younger generation.

(IV) The “Retreat” Narrative: Female Disaffiliation and Overall Decline

While segments of Gen Z men show signs of stable or increased religious engagement, a contrasting and arguably more dominant trend is the accelerated disaffiliation among Gen Z women. PRRI data reveals a striking gender divergence over the past decade among young adults (ages 18-29). The proportion of young women identifying as religiously unaffiliated surged from 29% in 2013 to 40% in 2024. During the same period, the share of young men identifying as unaffiliated remained remarkably stable, hovering around 35-36%.¹⁶ This pattern marks a significant reversal of historical norms in the U.S., where women have traditionally exhibited higher levels of religious affiliation and practice than men.²⁹

This growing disaffiliation among young women is mirrored by a sharp decline in their religious practices. According to PRRI, the percentage of women aged 18-29 attending religious services at least weekly dropped significantly from 29% in 2016 to 19% in 2024. Their reported frequency of weekly personal prayer outside of services also fell substantially, from 53% in 2016 to 38% in 2024.¹⁶ These declines are far more pronounced than the slight shifts observed among young men in the same period (weekly attendance stable at 16-18%, weekly prayer down slightly from 38% to 34%).¹⁶ Additionally, young women today are only half as likely as they were in 2013 to state that religion is the “most important thing” in their lives (down from 21% to 12%), while the figure for young men remained consistent (16% to 17%).¹⁶

Table 2: Gen Z Gender Divide in Religiosity (U.S. Ages 18-29)

This significant retreat by young women occurs within the broader context of Gen Z’s overall low levels of traditional religious engagement. As previously noted, Pew Research found only 15-20% of Gen Z attend church regularly.⁴ Barna data cited by multiple sources indicated a decline in Gen Z weekly attendance from 22% in 2020 to 16% in 2023, accompanied by a rise in those who never attend, from 28% to 37% over the same period.¹ Despite potential pockets of revival or increased commitment among specific subgroups, the generation as a whole remains the most religiously unaffiliated cohort in American history, with roughly one in three identifying as “nones”.⁴ Correspondingly, almost half of Gen Z report that religion is not important in their lives.⁶

The rapid disaffiliation among young women carries potentially profound long-term implications. Historically, women have played central roles in maintaining religious communities and transmitting faith across generations.³¹ A significant decline in their participation and affiliation could therefore accelerate secularizing trends more dramatically than previous shifts primarily involving men. Churches may face growing challenges related to volunteer pools, religious education for children, and overall community vitality if this trend persists. Furthermore, the widening gap between young men’s and women’s religious outlooks mirrors and potentially reinforces the growing political polarization observed between the sexes in Generation Z.²⁹ As young women increasingly embrace secular and progressive identities while young men remain more religiously stable or lean towards traditional/conservative viewpoints, religious and political identities may become more deeply intertwined and gendered. This divergence could exacerbate social divides, impact relationship formation and family structures, and shape the future political landscape, given the strong correlations between religious affiliation and political behavior.⁶

(V) Why the Divergence? Unpacking Motivations

Understanding the simultaneous trends of engagement and disengagement requires exploring the underlying motivations shaping Gen Z’s relationship with religion and spirituality. Several key factors emerge from the research.

The shared experience of the COVID-19 pandemic, with its attendant lockdowns and social disruptions, appears to be a significant factor. Occurring during critical formative years for many in Gen Z, the pandemic fostered widespread feelings of isolation and loneliness.¹⁴ In this context, religious institutions, despite their own challenges, can offer something increasingly rare: tangible, embodied community. For some young people, particularly men seeking connection, churches provide a structured environment for belonging, mutual support, and finding relationships, serving as a potential antidote to the isolation exacerbated by digital life.⁹

Beyond immediate social needs, many in Gen Z appear to be engaged in a broader quest for meaning, purpose, and stability in a world often perceived as chaotic, uncertain, and rapidly changing.⁹ Faced with economic precarity, social upheaval, and existential questions amplified by global crises, religion can offer an anchor—a coherent worldview, a sense of purpose beyond the self, and established traditions that provide structure and answers.⁹ This search for grounding may make the perceived stability and historical continuity of traditional faiths particularly appealing to some.²²

The generation’s well-documented mental health challenges also intersect with religious and spiritual engagement. Springtide Research Institute found that nearly three-quarters (73%) of young people agree that their religious or spiritual practices positively impact their mental health.³⁶ Spirituality, whether within or outside traditional religion, is increasingly viewed as a resource for coping with anxiety, finding inner peace, and enhancing overall well-being, sometimes framed explicitly as “spiritual self-care”.³⁷ This focus on personal well-being suggests that Gen Z’s engagement with spirituality is often highly instrumental—valued for the tangible benefits it provides in navigating life’s challenges.

These general motivations manifest differently across the gender divide. For the segment of young men showing increased engagement or interest in traditional forms of Christianity, the appeal may lie partly in the structure, discipline, and clearly defined roles these traditions offer, potentially serving as a counter-cultural stance against perceived societal fluidity or progressive norms.²²

Conversely, the factors driving young women’s disaffiliation often stem from a rejection of those same traditional structures. Research and commentary point to several key reasons: dissatisfaction with patriarchal structures and limitations on women’s leadership roles within many denominations; negative teachings or perceived lack of acceptance regarding LGBTQ+ individuals (a group with which young women identify at higher rates than young men); the influence of higher education fostering critical thinking and exposure to diverse perspectives; and a fundamental clash between the egalitarian values embraced by many young women and the doctrines or practices of some religious institutions.³¹ This suggests that female disaffiliation is often not passive apathy but an active departure driven by a perceived incompatibility between institutional religion and their core values, particularly concerning equality and inclusivity. This values clash represents a significant hurdle for religious institutions seeking to connect with a large and influential segment of Generation Z.

(VI) Untangling the Data: Attendance, Commitment, Spirituality, and Reality Checks

Navigating the data on Gen Z religion requires acknowledging inherent complexities and limitations in measurement. A key tension exists between measures of internal belief or commitment and external behaviors like church attendance. As highlighted, Barna Group reports a significant surge in “personal commitment to Jesus,” especially among young men.¹² However, this does not clearly correlate with a similar surge in church attendance, which other data sources suggest is either stable (for men) or declining (for Gen Z overall and particularly women).¹ Barna researchers themselves acknowledge that this growing spirituality among younger adults is often “quiet, personal, unconventional” and may not translate into traditional church affiliation or attendance.¹²

This disconnect aligns with findings from Springtide Research Institute, which describes Gen Z’s approach as “Faith Unbundled”.²⁸ Rather than accepting a pre-packaged religious system from a single institution, many young people construct their own spiritual frameworks by combining elements from diverse sources—religious traditions, personal experiences, nature, art, online communities, and secular philosophies. They engage in practices they find meaningful, such as listening to music, spending time in nature, meditation, or engaging in social justice work, often outside the confines of formal religious services.²⁸ This explains how individuals can report high levels of spirituality or belief in a higher power while simultaneously reporting low levels of institutional affiliation or attendance.⁶

Furthermore, reliance on survey data, particularly for behavioral measures like church attendance, requires caution. The controversy surrounding the UK Bible Society’s “Quiet Revival” report serves as a pertinent case study.¹⁸ The survey reported dramatic increases in self-reported monthly church attendance, especially among young adults, figures that were starkly contradicted by the official attendance records of major denominations like the Church of England and the Catholic Church, which showed ongoing decline.¹⁸ This discrepancy underscores the potential influence of “social desirability bias,” where respondents overstate behaviors they perceive as socially approved. The gap between reported and recorded attendance appears to have widened, suggesting that survey-based claims of dramatic religious revivals must be treated with skepticism unless corroborated by other forms of evidence.¹⁸

Finally, the role of the digital sphere cannot be overlooked. Online platforms provide Gen Z with alternative avenues for finding community, accessing spiritual content, and encountering religious ideas through influencers, potentially supplementing or replacing traditional forms of religious engagement.⁴

The combination of these factors—the gap between commitment and attendance, the “unbundled” nature of Gen Z spirituality, the limitations of self-reported survey data, and the influence of online engagement—indicates that traditional metrics like weekly church attendance are increasingly insufficient for capturing the full spectrum of Gen Z’s spiritual lives. Relying solely on such metrics likely underestimates their spiritual interest while misinterpreting the evolving ways in which faith and spirituality are expressed. Understanding this generation demands more nuanced approaches that account for personalized practices, meaning-making outside institutions, and online spiritual exploration. It also necessitates a critical approach to data, triangulating findings from surveys with institutional records and qualitative research before drawing firm conclusions about large-scale religious shifts.

(VII) Denominational Dynamics: Winners and Losers in the Gen Z Landscape

The complex trends within Gen Z are not impacting all Christian denominations equally. The available data suggests varying trajectories:

• Mainline Protestantism: Denominations like the United Methodist Church (UMC), Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA), Presbyterian Church (USA), and Episcopal Church continue to face significant challenges in attracting and retaining younger members. Their overall share of the U.S. population has declined steeply (Pew data shows Mainline Protestants dropping from 18% in 2007 to 11% in 2023-24).³ These denominations seem less likely to be the primary destination for Gen Z individuals exploring faith.
• Evangelical Protestantism: While still a major force in American religion, Evangelicalism’s share of the population has also seen a slight decline (Pew: 26% in 2007 to 23% in 2023-24).³ Gen Z is less likely to identify as Evangelical compared to older generations.⁷ Although Barna’s data shows increased “commitment to Jesus” among young men ¹², it does not specify whether this trend is concentrated within Evangelicalism or other traditions.¹²
• Catholicism: The Catholic Church maintains a relatively stable share of the U.S. population (around 20%), largely bolstered by immigration, particularly from Hispanic communities.³ However, it experiences significant losses through religious switching, with more people leaving Catholicism than joining, excluding immigration effects.⁶ There are anecdotal reports and commentary suggesting an attraction to traditional Catholicism among some conservative-leaning Gen Z men seeking structure and unchanging doctrine.²³ Data from the UK also indicates relative strength among young Catholic attendees compared to Anglicans.¹⁹ Yet, the Church’s stances on social issues likely contribute to disaffiliation among other segments of Gen Z, particularly progressive young women.
• Eastern Orthodoxy: This tradition garners attention due to reports of high percentage increases in converts, often young men drawn to its perceived rigor, tradition, and masculinity.¹⁰ However, these conversions occur within a very small base population (less than 1% of U.S. adults), and overall Orthodox adherence in the U.S. appears stagnant or declining.²² Much of the growth seems to come from disaffected Protestants rather than the previously unaffiliated.²²
• Nondenominational Christianity: This sector represents a significant area of growth within American Christianity. Nondenominational churches attracted an estimated 6.5 million more attendees between 2010 and 2020.³⁹ Their lack of rigid hierarchical structures and historical baggage may appeal to individuals, including Gen Z, who are seeking Christian community and identity but are wary of traditional denominational labels or constraints.⁴

The notable growth of Nondenominational churches seems particularly well-suited to Gen Z’s “unbundled” spiritual style. By often emphasizing core Christian beliefs and community experience while minimizing rigid denominational dogma and structures, these churches may offer a flexibility that resonates with a generation accustomed to customizing their experiences and less bound by institutional loyalty.²⁸ This adaptability could position Nondenominationalism to capture a larger share of Gen Z’s religious interest compared to more established denominations, potentially continuing to reshape the landscape of American Protestantism.

(VIII) Conclusion: Generation Z’s Complex Spiritual Tapestry

The religious and spiritual landscape of Generation Z defies easy summary. It is not a straightforward narrative of either decline or revival, but rather a complex tapestry woven with threads of both. The generation simultaneously exhibits signs of retreat from traditional religious institutions and sparks of renewed spiritual interest, a duality encapsulated by the phrase “revival and retreat”.¹

Two key features define this complex picture. First is the significant gender divergence: young women are disaffiliating from religion at accelerating rates, reversing historical trends, while young men’s affiliation and practice remain more stable, with some data even suggesting increased personal commitment to faith figures like Jesus. Second is the apparent gap between internal states (belief, commitment, spirituality) and external participation in traditional religious institutions. Many Gen Z individuals report high levels of spirituality and engage in personal practices while maintaining distance from organized religion.

Underlying these trends is an ongoing search for meaning, purpose, community, identity, and mental well-being in a world perceived as increasingly complex and unstable. Gen Z approaches this search pragmatically, often adopting an “unbundled” approach to faith, selecting elements from various sources that resonate with their personal needs and values. Their engagement, whether increasing or decreasing, appears highly influenced by whether they perceive religious options as providing tangible benefits—like community or solace—and aligning with their values, particularly around issues of equality and inclusivity.

Understanding Generation Z’s relationship with faith requires looking beyond simplistic metrics like weekly church attendance. It demands appreciating the diverse, personalized, and sometimes contradictory ways they navigate belief, practice, and belonging. The future trajectory of religion and spirituality in America will be profoundly shaped by how these intricate dynamics continue to unfold within this pivotal generation.